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ISSN 1994-733X
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Editorial Universidad Don Bosco - El Salvador
Environmental Print and the Development of L2
French Reading in Multilingual Senegal
El texto ambiental y el desarrollo de la
alfabetización en francés como segunda lengua en
el Senegal multilingüe
Moustapha Fall
1
University of Victoria, British Columbia,
Canada
Correo electrónico: mfall@uvic.ca
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2385-4271
Los artículos de la Revista Teoría y Praxis de la Universidad Don Bosco,
El Salvador, se publican bajo los términos de la Licencia Creative
Commons: Reconocimiento, No Comercial, Compartir Igual 4.0
Fall, M. (2026). Environmental Print and the Development of L2 French Reading in Multilingual
Senegal. Teoría y Praxis, 24(48). https://doi.org/10.61604/typ.v24i48.544
Recibido: 10 de octubre 2025
Aceptado: 16 de diciembre 2025
1
Associate Professor (Teaching), School of Languages, Linguistics and Cultures, University of
Victoria, British Columbia, Canada.
Ailiated Researcher, Department of Applied Linguistics, Université Gaston Berger, Saint-
Louis, Senegal
https://doi.org/10.61604/typ.v24i48.544
http://hdl.handle.net/11715/2882
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Vol. 24, N.
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48, semestral: marzo-agosto 2026, pp. 54-69
https://doi.org/10.61604/typ.v24i48.544
http://hdl.handle.net/11715/2882
ISSN 1994-733X e-ISSN 2707-7411
CC BY-NC-SA
Abstract:
This article is derived from and expands upon research originally
presented in the doctoral thesis “From Home to School: Bridging
the Literacy Gap in L1 Wolof Child Learners of L2 French in
Senegal” submitted by Moustapha Fall to the Faculty of Graduate
and Postdoctoral Studies at the University of British Columbia,
Vancouver (2014). It examines the critical role of home literacy
and environmental print in early reading development and its
implications for second language (L2) French acquisition in
Senegalese schools. Prior research highlights that children’s
early exposure to print-rich environments signicantly shapes
their reading readiness and long-term literacy success. However,
the degree of such exposure varies widely across cultural
contexts, with substantial effects on children’s familiarity with print
and early alphabet knowledge. Drawing on a recent experimental
study published in 2020, this paper investigates the linguistic and
cognitive factors contributing to Senegalese students’ difculties
in reading French as an L2. The study, conducted with both
schoolchildren and their parents, evaluates how early home
reading practices and exposure to environmental print inuence L2
reading development. Findings reveal that limited environmental
print and inconsistent parental engagement in early literacy
activities pose signicant challenges to young learners’ reading
comprehension in French. The article concludes by outlining the
specic reading difculties encountered by elementary students
and emphasizing the need to consider environmental print as a
foundational component of effective L2 reading instruction.
Moustapha Fall
Environmental Print and the Development of L2 French
Reading in Multilingual Senegal
56
1- Introduction
Environmental print constitutes one of the most powerful yet
underexamined predictors of second language (L2) reading development
in multilingual postcolonial contexts. In Senegal, where French functions
as the ofcial language of instruction but is not the primary language
of the home for most children, early disparities in print exposure create
structural inequalities that shape later academic outcomes. This article
argues that environmental print and early home literacy practices are
not peripheral supports but foundational determinants of L2 French
reading acquisition. Drawing on an experimental study conducted with
elementary schoolchildren and their parents, the analysis demonstrates
that limited exposure to French print, minimal interactive reading practices,
and sociolinguistic ambivalence toward French collectively generate a
cumulative disadvantage in reading comprehension. At the same time,
early Qur’anic schooling provides transferable decoding skills that partially
compensate for the absence of French environmental print, illustrating the
cross-linguistic interdependence of literacy development. Taken together,
the ndings reposition environmental print as educational infrastructure
rather than a secondary variable in L2 acquisition.
Research in early literacy has consistently demonstrated that
children’s reading success depends heavily on the literacy environments
they encounter prior to formal schooling (Adams, 1990; Snow, Burns, &
Grifn, 1998). Environmental print—the written language embedded in
daily life through books, labels, signs, religious texts, and informal writing
practices—introduces children to the symbolic and functional dimensions
of literacy long before they receive explicit instruction. Through repeated
exposure, children develop orthographic awareness, phonological
sensitivity, letter knowledge, and an understanding that print carries
meaning. Adams (1990) argues that the strongest predictor of rst-grade
reading achievement is the extent of prior knowledge about print that
children bring to school. While this insight has been widely accepted in
rst-language (L1) literacy research, its implications for L2 reading in
multilingual African contexts have not been sufciently theorized. In
settings such as Senegal, where the language of schooling diverges
from the language of the home, children are often required to decode,
comprehend, and internalize a linguistic system to which they have had
little prior exposure. This dual cognitive demand—learning to read and
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https://doi.org/10.61604/typ.v24i48.544
http://hdl.handle.net/11715/2882
ISSN 1994-733X e-ISSN 2707-7411
CC BY-NC-SA
learning the language simultaneously—amplies the importance of early
environmental print.
L2 reading research has increasingly acknowledged that
foundational literacy processes are shared across languages, even
when surface structures differ (Grabe, 2009; Koda, 2005). Vocabulary
knowledge, for example, is a robust predictor of reading comprehension
across languages (Ishii & Schmitt, 2009). Similarly, letter knowledge and
phonological awareness strongly predict decoding uency (Treiman et
al., 2001). These component skills do not emerge spontaneously in most
children; rather, they are cultivated through sustained exposure to print
and interactive mediation by adults. Studies of home literacy environments
reveal striking disparities in access to books and literacy engagement.
Feitelson and Goldstein (1986) found that children in low-performing
communities often lacked even a single book at home, whereas children
in higher-performing communities were surrounded by dozens. Such
differences are not trivial: they represent unequal distributions of cognitive
preparation. When literacy is normalized in everyday life, children
internalize reading as a meaningful social practice. When it is absent,
literacy becomes an abstract, school-bound activity disconnected from
lived experience. Before exploring the role of teaching strategies employed
by Senegalese instructors, it is crucial to rst examine the specic reading
comprehension difculties encountered by young students in elementary
school.
This paper addresses the role of environmental print in L2 French
reading development in Senegal and how the lack of its development
contributes signicantly to reading difculties at school. It starts with a
short literature review on the issue of environmental print, followed by the
methodology regarding the population sample, instrument, procedure, and
results.
2-Literature Review
1-2 Senegalese Context of Multiliteracy
The Senegalese context offers a compelling case for examining
how environmental print intersects with L2 acquisition. French, though
institutionally dominant, is not the primary language of most households,
where Wolof and other national languages prevail. Consequently, many
children enter French-medium schools without prior exposure to French
Moustapha Fall
Environmental Print and the Development of L2 French
Reading in Multilingual Senegal
58
print. However, a substantial proportion attend Qur’anic schools (Daaras)
before enrolling in formal education. In these settings, children engage
in intensive recitation and memorization of Arabic texts, developing early
decoding skills and phonological awareness. Although Arabic and French
differ orthographically and linguistically, the cognitive processes involved
in decoding—attention to grapheme-phoneme correspondences, rhythmic
segmentation, and sustained print engagement—are transferable. This
phenomenon aligns with Cummins’ (1979) Linguistic Interdependence
Hypothesis, which posits that underlying cognitive and academic
prociencies developed in one language can support literacy development
in another. Koda’s (2005) Interactive-Compensatory Model further
suggests that strong lower-level processing skills can mitigate weaknesses
in higher-level linguistic knowledge. Thus, early Qur’anic literacy may
provide structural cognitive advantages even when exposure to French
print is minimal.
It is import to note in the 1970s, researchers seeking solutions
to children’s reading difculties primarily focused on rst language (L1)
reading, while research on second language (L2) reading was nearly
nonexistent. Later, as researchers began investigating challenges faced
by L2 readers, their work was largely inuenced by prior studies on L1
reading. Although it is now widely acknowledged that L1 and L2 reading
differ in many ways (e.g., Grabe, 2009; Koda, 2005), much of the research
on L2 reading continues to be shaped by ndings from L1 reading studies.
One key nding in L1 reading research is that vocabulary knowledge
is crucial for comprehension. As Ishii and Schmitt (2009) noted, a strong
vocabulary base is "essential for learners wishing to function at a high
level in English" (p. 6). Treiman and colleagues (2001) have demonstrated
that knowledge of letters can facilitate both decoding skills and, most
signicantly, reading (Treiman et al., 2001). Moreover, if the home is lled
with reading activities (e.g., note-writing, list-making, internet-surng),
children will be more inclined to accept reading as a normal way of life
rather than as a foreign concept introduced only when they begin school
(Adams, 1990). Feitelson & Goldstein (1986) found that 60% of pre-school
children from neighborhoods in Israel where children perform poorly in
later grades did not have a single book in their homes. In contrast, pre-
school children from neighborhoods where children tended to do well in
school had families who owned, on average, 54 books each (Feitelson
& Goldstein, 1986, pp. 924-930, as cited in McBride-Chang, 2004, p.50).
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https://doi.org/10.61604/typ.v24i48.544
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ISSN 1994-733X e-ISSN 2707-7411
CC BY-NC-SA
Besides the Israeli case, home literacy is well implemented in most
African (e.g., Senegal, Mali, Mauritania) and Asian countries (e.g., China,
Hong Kong, and Singapore). In China, for example, many families have
devoted special “reading corners” at home where children can incorporate
print in their play by making tickets for a puppet show or signing their
names on artwork (Li & Rao, 2000).
The case of China resembles Senegal in many respects because
these “corner schools” also exist across Senegal under a different name.
Mostly known as Daaras in Senegal, these “Qur’anic reciting corners”
offer informal education to young children around three to four years
old in the Quran. Children enrolled in these Daaras are rst initiated into
the Arabic language and then gradually taught the basics of reading,
writing, and reciting the Quran. Given the spiritual dimension associated
with teaching the Qur’an to young children, the vast majority of Muslim
parents in Senegal never miss the opportunity to enroll their children in
these Daaras prior to sending them to French schools. What is interesting
about Daaras is that children, under the supervision of a sheik, are highly
trained in the nursery rhymes and the alphabet of the Qur’an. An argument
could be made that teachers in Daaras act as substitutes for many parents
in providing children with the aforementioned home environment lled
with print. Most signicantly, Daaras become the home environment in
which children, through the mediation of self-trained religious leaders, are
exposed to early decoding and phonological awareness skills by learning
and reciting the Quran.
In addressing this mediation, Bus (2001) found that individual
parental responsiveness or teachers’ intervention is a crucial element
in the process of storybook reading. For example, parents who engage
children in stories by asking follow-up questions and supporting their
answers are more successful in maintaining children’s interest. By contrast,
parents who demonstrate a lack of interest in their children’s reading stie
their interest in reading in general (Bus, 2001). Although these ndings
suggest that the home environment greatly facilitates reading from pre-
school onwards, parental responsiveness and involvement in children’s
early development is perhaps the clearest evidence that the home
environment affects reading skills. Reading to children alone might not be
enough; an interactive dimension is necessary to strongly engage children
in the reading process. In that regard, Vygotsky’s (1978) experimental
intervention study provides solid evidence on the parental role in children’s
Moustapha Fall
Environmental Print and the Development of L2 French
Reading in Multilingual Senegal
60
reading readiness. His Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD), initially
designed to show the help that L2 learners can receive from native peers,
is now widely used to describe a scaffolding mechanism in which parents
intervene in the child’s literacy development. In other words, parents can
help children achieve their maximum potential by supporting their efforts to
learn to read (see Figure 2).
3- Methodology
3.1 Population Sample
Sixty Wolof-speaking elementary schoolchildren learning French
as an L2 were recruited from two Senegalese schools, alongside thirty
parents who participated in semi-structured interviews. A Likert-scale
questionnaire assessed children’s exposure to environmental print and
interactive literacy practices at home, including engagement with books,
participation in word or letter games, and the frequency with which parents
or siblings read to them. Parent interviews explored language use within
the household, preferred language of instruction, and attitudes toward
French.
3.2 Instrument
To gather comprehensive data on children's literacy experiences,
we designed a questionnaire assessing their exposure to environmental
print and early reading habits at home. The questionnaire, structured on
a Likert scale, included four questions addressing two key themes: (1)
literacy experiences at home, and (2) literacy experiences with others
(e.g., friends, siblings, parents, or teachers). The Likert scale allowed us
to measure the frequency of students’ reading activities and quantify their
responses:
1. How often do you play word or letter games at home?
2. How often do you use books at home?
3. How often do your siblings or friends read to you?
4. How often do your parents read to you?
Additionally, we conducted semi-structured interviews with parents
to gain insights into their attitudes toward the French language. The
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https://doi.org/10.61604/typ.v24i48.544
http://hdl.handle.net/11715/2882
ISSN 1994-733X e-ISSN 2707-7411
CC BY-NC-SA
interviews focused on three questions:
1. What languages do you use at home?
2. What language do you prefer for your child’s education?
3. What is your overall attitude toward the French language?
Thirty parents participated, each interviewed individually with the same
structured approach. Findings revealed patterns related to early literacy
development at home, highlighting the importance of environmental print
and parental involvement in shaping children's reading abilities.
3.3 Procedure
Both themes from the questionnaire were presented in a Likert scale
format (NEVER = 1, SELDOM = 2, SOMETIMES = 3, OFTEN = 4,
ALWAYS = 5). Each question and its response options were read aloud
to children three times in Wolof. Children’s verbal responses were limited
due to:
1. The structured nature of the Likert scale, requiring predened
responses.
2. The need to complete the questionnaire within ten minutes per
participant.
Although presented in written form, the examiners translated the
questions into Wolof and conducted the session entirely in that language.
3.4 Results
3-4-1 Themes of Literacy Experiences
3-4-1-1 Theme One: Students’ Literacy Experience of Reading at
Home
Children were asked:
1. How often do you play word or letter games at home?
Moustapha Fall
Environmental Print and the Development of L2 French
Reading in Multilingual Senegal
62
2. How often do you use books at home?
Figure 1: Average Literacy Experience of Reading at Home
Based on responses, 50% (N=30) of students reported never
playing word games or using books at home. Additionally, 17% (N=5)
seldom engaged in these activities, 13% (N=4) sometimes did, 3% (N=1)
often did, and another 3% (N=1) always did. These ndings suggest limited
early exposure to print at home negatively impacts reading comprehension
in French.
3-4-1-2 Theme Two: Students’ Literacy Experience of Reading with
Others at Home
Children were asked:
3. How often do your siblings or friends read to you?
4. How often do your parents read to you?
Figure 2: Average Literacy Experience with Others
Responses indicated that 67% (N=20) reported that parents,
friends, or siblings never read to them. 17% (N=5) seldom, 10% (N=3)
sometimes, and 3% (N=1) often. One child reported that others always
read to them. These ndings highlight the signicant impact of lack of
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ISSN 1994-733X e-ISSN 2707-7411
CC BY-NC-SA
parental involvement on L2 French reading comprehension at school.
Figure 2. Average Literacy Experience with Others
3-4-1-3 Semi-structured Interviews with Parents
3-4-1-3-1 Theme Three: Parents’ Attitudes Toward the French
Language
Attitudes toward French are inuenced by geographical area, religious
afliation, and ethnicity. 90% of parents in Touba expressed very negative
attitudes toward French, while 54% in Dakar were somewhat negative.
Historical and religious reasons were most frequently cited in Touba.
3-4-1-3-1-1 Languages Used at Home:
● 65% (N=19) used Wolof.
● 21% (N=7) used other national languages (e.g., Jola, Mandinka,
Soninké).
● 14% (N=4) mixed French with Wolof.
Moustapha Fall
Environmental Print and the Development of L2 French
Reading in Multilingual Senegal
64
Parents preferred native languages but were more exible in Dakar,
reecting a heterogeneous multilingual environment.
3-4-1-3-1-2 Preferred Language for Child’s Instruction:
● 57% (N=17) supported Wolof.
● 27% (N=8) preferred French.
● 10% (N=3) wanted Arabic rst, then Wolof and French.
● 6% (N=2) abstained.
3-4-1-3-1-3 Overall Attitude Toward French:
● 54% (N=16) somewhat negative.
● 46% (N=14) positive.
Some parents acknowledged the practical benets of French for
professional success:
● “I don’t like French, but my children need it for jobs.”
● “French opens up opportunities, but local languages are
important.”
4- Discussion of Results and Conclusions
The results reveal a pattern of limited environmental print exposure
in French. Half of the participating children reported never engaging in
word games or using books at home, and only a small minority indicated
frequent print interaction. Moreover, two-thirds reported that no one reads
to them at home. These ndings suggest that for many children, formal
schooling represents their rst sustained encounter with French print.
In such circumstances, reading instruction must compensate not only
for limited decoding practice but also for minimal familiarity with French
orthography and vocabulary.
Parental attitudes further complicate the literacy landscape.
While many parents acknowledged the instrumental value of French for
employment and social mobility, signicant ambivalence—particularly in
religiously conservative areas—was evident. The majority of households
reported primarily using Wolof or other national languages at home,
and support for French as the sole medium of instruction was far from
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ISSN 1994-733X e-ISSN 2707-7411
CC BY-NC-SA
unanimous. This sociolinguistic tension reinforces the scarcity of French
environmental print in domestic spaces. When a language is perceived
as culturally distant, it is less likely to be embedded in everyday literacy
practices. Consequently, children must bridge not only linguistic gaps but
also symbolic and ideological ones when learning to read in French.
Importantly, children who had received early Qur’anic instruction
demonstrated comparatively stronger decoding resilience, suggesting
that early literacy training—even in a non-native and structurally distinct
language—establishes cognitive foundations that support subsequent L2
reading acquisition. However, decoding prociency alone did not eliminate
comprehension challenges, underscoring that vocabulary breadth and
sustained exposure to meaningful print remain indispensable. The ndings
therefore indicate a layered literacy ecology: decoding skills may transfer
across languages, but comprehension development requires language-
specic environmental input. In the absence of French print at home, the
cognitive burden placed on children during formal schooling increases
exponentially.
These results contribute to L2 literacy research in three signicant ways.
First, they empirically demonstrate that environmental print functions
as a catalyst in multilingual contexts, accelerating or constraining L2
reading depending on its presence or absence. Second, they rene
theoretical understandings of cross-linguistic transfer by distinguishing
between transferable decoding mechanisms and non-transferable
lexical knowledge. Third, they highlight the sociocultural dimension of L2
acquisition, showing that parental language ideologies directly inuence
the material conditions of literacy exposure. Reading difculty in Senegal,
therefore, cannot be attributed solely to pedagogical shortcomings within
schools. Rather, it emerges from a structural discontinuity between home
literacy environments and institutional language expectations.
If early literacy is cumulative, then disparities in environmental print
represent disparities in cognitive preparation. Children who enter French
schools without prior exposure to French print must simultaneously
acquire decoding uency, expand vocabulary, and develop comprehension
strategies. By contrast, children exposed to print-rich environments—
whether in French or another language—begin school with established
literacy schemas that facilitate adaptation. Environmental print should
thus be conceptualized as educational infrastructure. Just as classrooms
require trained teachers and instructional materials, children require early
Moustapha Fall
Environmental Print and the Development of L2 French
Reading in Multilingual Senegal
66
and sustained engagement with print to build the cognitive scaffolding
necessary for L2 reading success.
The implications extend beyond individual households to national
policy. Expanding access to low-cost bilingual materials, promoting
interactive reading practices, and integrating national languages alongside
French in early literacy initiatives may reduce the structural gap between
home and school. Most critically, educational reform must recognize that L2
reading outcomes are shaped long before children encounter formal French
instruction. Environmental print is not a supplementary enrichment; it is the
foundation upon which literacy is constructed. Where it is abundant, L2
reading development is accelerated. Where it is absent, reading difculties
are not incidental but predictable. By repositioning environmental print at
the center of L2 literacy theory and practice, this study offers a framework
for understanding and addressing persistent reading challenges in Senegal
and comparable multilingual contexts. The high literacy in Arabic among
Qur’anic children at Gaindé Fatma could perhaps be explained by early
resistance to French schools in the city of Touba.
Overall, our ndings align with literature emphasizing the importance
of home literacy and environmental print in developing decoding skills
and reading comprehension (Adams, 1990; McBride-Chang, 2004;
Snow et al., 1998). Reading comprehension is a complex cognitive
activity requiring phonological awareness and decoding skills. The study
highlights the signicant role of early literacy experiences in shaping L2
reading comprehension. Qur’anic children, despite not learning to read in
Wolof, beneted from intensive exposure to Qur’anic texts in Arabic. This
exposure provided decoding skills and a linguistic framework facilitating
French reading comprehension. This nding supports Cummins’ (1979)
Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis: prociency in L1 can support L2
development.
Koda’s (2005) Interactive-Compensatory Model emphasizes
decoding skills as foundational to reading comprehension. The Qur’anic
group’s Arabic decoding training provided a solid base for approaching
French materials, despite structural differences. The sequential linguistic
journey of Qur’anic and non-Qur’anic groups underscores literacy’s
cumulative nature. The Qur’anic group’s Arabic exposure to environmental
print through the Daaras enriched their linguistic repertoire, enabling better
navigation of French reading tasks.
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ISSN 1994-733X e-ISSN 2707-7411
CC BY-NC-SA
In summary, early and intensive exposure to reading and recitation,
even in a non-native language, lays a foundational framework supporting
L2 reading acquisition. These ndings reinforce the importance of robust
early literacy practices to facilitate bilingual prociency and academic
success. Thus, parents must get involved more in creating the conditions
of environmental print at home to boost students ‘reading skills very early
on, which is a catalyst for L2 French reading at school
Moustapha Fall
Environmental Print and the Development of L2 French
Reading in Multilingual Senegal
68
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